Categories: Business

Compared with eternal wars, the United States is more willing to compete with China


There is no lobbying company smarter than the Pentagon in Washington.Therefore, the War Games Those who predict that the United States will be defeated by China should respond with more salt than all mines in the world today. Every horrible failure simulation is the default reason for getting more funds.

This warning applies. Even a successful Pacific War may cost Americans more lives than the 2,352 people lost in the past two decades. Afghanistan. Primitive scale is not the only meaning that China is more daunting than China Forever warNeither Al-Qaida nor the Taliban challenged America’s status as a world power. Their government model has never tempted a third country as a formula for growth and order. In the process of turning from the “Greater Middle East” to China, the United States has changed from a vicious but controllable opponent to a formidable opponent in history.

In any case, it is right to enjoy this change.The Republican Party has some formal preparations for the attack on President Joe Biden Leave AfghanistanBoth sides know that the United States is entering an era in which its technological advantages and psychological needs can be more fully utilized, rather than an era that ends timidly.

America’s knack for great power politics is as consistent as its groping for rebellion.The fledgling republic got rid of the British threat, put Europe outside the civil war, defeated the Japanese Empire and Nazi Germany, and then took care of these two countries. Peace and democracy And with great skill and patience, he launched a cold war against the Soviet Union. The failure of the United States, whether in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, or the Horn of Africa, was mainly aimed at the performance of non-sovereign enemies in irregular conflicts.

Some of them are inherent difficulties of counter-insurgency. What remains is the strange history of the United States as a superpower. There are almost no colonies in the formal sense—Cuba and the Philippines are exceptions—the political, military, and even journalistic elites in the country tend to treat conflicts as conflicts between nations. (blame Fiasco The intervention of the Iraqi occupation in Iran stems from this idea. )

Therefore, an era of non-state enemies is always embarrassing for the United States.A kind Superpower battle It is a fascinating return to the familiar. Washington’s enthusiasm for China’s competition is not just a clear understanding of its true opponents. This is a relief for the ruling class to rediscover its own abilities.

This change transcends the guts and grease of conceptual American power. For a generation, the Pentagon has planned two simultaneous regional (that is, Afghanistan-scale) wars. In 2018, its doctrine was changed to fight a war for war. Very high stakes.

The new posture should be better, which means it can’t be worse. Heroic financial and intellectual resources are used to transform the most powerful armed forces in history to respond to more agile work in the age of terror. It is nonsense to laugh at all this: we cannot know that without reforms, the war in Afghanistan might get worse. Nevertheless, after a generation in that country, the reality is an ascendant Taliban.Biden himself Despair of war As early as 2009, he opposed Obama’s troop increase.

Occupation forces the United States to live in a half-world with ambiguous goals and changing enemies, some of which are more vulnerable select Rather than defeating it explicitly. The great power strategy will be a kind of liberation.

If the United States prefers China’s technical challenges, it will only cheer the admirals and generals. What really puts the new era above the old is its potential for some form of domestic solidarity.

Participating in World War II helped restrain the irritable America during the two world wars. Soviet Russia did the same thing: when it collapsed, so did the bipartisanship in Washington. (The last time the Supreme Court justices were unanimously confirmed was in 1988.) The age of terror as the glue of the state is far from over.

The most prominent aspect of the suffering of the United States in Afghanistan is not the death toll, which is roughly the same as the number of people who attacked Pearl Harbor. It’s not even duration.The Korean War never legally ended, remember, the United States still garrison Tens of thousands of that peninsula.

No, the serious difference in the past 20 years is the collapse of national cohesion after 9/11.For all Heinous violenceTerrorism is an overly dispersed threat that cannot bring the Americans the sense of unity under siege endowed by the past era. A traditional superpower with four times its population might do the same. A country that often defines its identity as opposed to others will never find it in Afghanistan.

janan.ganesh@ft.com



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